Strengthening All Aspects of the ASEAN Institutions

The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) has published a fascinating paper on the ASEAN Secretariat entitled “A Strong Secretariat, a Strong ASEAN? A Re-evaluation”. Incorporating oral history and written reflections, this paper provides a socio-political analysis of the ASEAN Secretariat, positing that the ASEAN Secretariat actually had robust authority and influence during the pre-Charter era, only to have it eroded by a lack of resources and support to decline into its current state.

The paper asserts that the heyday of the ASEAN Secretariat began in 1992 when the Secretary General of the ASEAN Secretariat became the Secretary General of ASEAN.  With that change in status came higher salaries and increased resources, which attracted talent from within the region.  Just as importantly, the paper puts forth that the ASEAN Secretariat assumed a greater role over ASEAN matters through a combination of geniality and indirect influence, particularly when a weaker ASEAN member served as the ASEAN Chair (imagine an ASEAN-version of Sir Humphrey Appleby from “Yes, Minister”). 

However, according to the paper, the failure of the ASEAN Secretariat to keep up with market salary levels, an influx of less experienced officers from the newer, less developed ASEAN members, and personnel policies that discouraged staff retention all eroded the overall capability of the ASEAN Secretariat, as well as the ties between the ASEAN Secretariat’s staff and the ASEAN member states, resulting in a decline in its influence on ASEAN.   The paper opines that the formalization of the authority of the ASEAN Secretariat and the ASEAN Secretary General coincided with, but did not cause, a decline in influence.  Yet, according to the paper, the culture of geniality remained, albeit with lessened indirect influence. 

Thus, the paper concludes that the ASEAN Secretariat actually had strength and authority in the past.  Hence calls to strengthen the ASEAN Secretariat should be considered with this in mind, e.g., that a strengthened ASEAN Secretariat is actually a return to a norm rather than an unprecedented situation. Furthermore, without improving the operating culture of ASEAN, increasing the formal authority of the ASEAN institutions alone will not strengthen ASEAN.

I think this paper is a welcome addition to the very small collection of scholarly material focused on the ASEAN institutions themselves.  However, I would make some additional points.

First, the purported heyday of the ASEAN Secretariat in the 1990s and 2000s was a time where ASEAN was smaller and less formal.  This was the case, in particular, for political-security matters.  Since that time, ASEAN and its commitments have grown significantly, particularly in the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC).  Under such circumstances, the ASEAN Secretariat would necessarily have to take on more formal roles (and has done so), as the depth and breadth of the AEC has developed.  Hence in its AEC role, at least, the ASEAN Secretariat cannot operate as it did 20-25 years ago (although a stronger ASEAN Secretariat probably could do so in political-security matters). 

Second, the resources, capability and culture of any international bureaucracy are always inter-related.  For example, there were institutional deficiencies in the early days of the EU, as salary and status did not keep up with those of national governments or the private sector.  The EU also has had to incorporate less experienced officers from newer member states.  Yet as the EU strengthened its institutions with funding and resources, they were able to attract better officials, creating a virtuous cycle whereby better officials strengthen the institutions.  If the ASEAN leaders were to make the same commitment to a more professionalized ASEAN Secretariat with better funding and support, the Secretariat will attract qualified staff from all across ASEAN and create its own virtuous cycle.

In sum, the paper does shine a useful light on the unwritten history of the ASEAN Secretariat, showing that the interactions of a regional organization such as ASEAN do not only depend on formal rules, but also on the people involved: it is a living entity. I hope that ASEAN’s leaders keep this in mind as they examine the challenges facing ASEAN, and the need to strengthen the ASEAN institutions.

Building on the U.S.-ASEAN Sunnylands Summit

This week I am in Washington.  From inside the Beltway, one could make the assessment that this week’s U.S.-ASEAN summit at Sunnylands was just another instance of America’s indifference to Southeast Asia.  For most media coverage, the summit was just a backdrop for another front on the 2016 U.S. presidential election campaign and/or the U.S. Supreme Court vacancy.  The former is a consequence of the timing of the summit (the last year of the Obama administration) and the latter is a consequence of fate (the death of Justice Scalia). 

Some who did pay attention to the summit have criticized it for being symbolic only and without significance.  This is a bit unfair.

The Sunnylands summit was always intended to be a proof of concept, evidence that the U.S. is committed to Southeast Asia. This was evident from the location (the same locale as the Obama-Xi meeting) to the timing (Presidents’ Day).

Moreover, to ASEAN, symbolism is important.  Over the years, I have had countless conversations with ASEAN diplomats and observers who complained about the absence of the U.S. President (or in some cases the U.S. Secretary of State) from ASEAN meetings due to various domestic considerations (elections, natural disasters, shootings).  Also recall that the previously proposed U.S.-ASEAN summit in Crawford was never held.  Thus, being able to conduct the Sunnylands event with relatively minimal effects from U.S. domestic and foreign policy events should therefore not be discounted.   

The presence and participation of almost every ASEAN national leader is also important.  Concerns about having a military government in Thalland did not prevent the Thai prime minister from coming.  Leaders from Laos and Vietnam came after leadership transition decisions.  The only leader who did not come, Myanmar president Thein Sein, justifiably stayed home to deal with his country’s own political transition.   

The output of Sunnylands thus should be considered in this context.  The joint declaration did not single out China’s behavior on the South China Sea/West Philippine Sea controversy.  However, doing so would not have been realistic nor in keeping with previous ASEAN declarations on the subject, and the declaration does refer to resolving the dispute through international law and principles, which implicitly supports the Philippine position on the dispute. 

Also, the U.S. announced it would set up hubs in Bangkok, Jakarta and Singapore to support business investment in the region.   To a large extent, this is a repackaging of existing U.S. government programs, but again, the optics of this initiative are important, particularly the involvement in Bangkok (a sign of continuing presence regardless of any domestic issues) and Jakarta (a needed indication of support against Indonesian revanchism on trade and investment).  The U.S. will also conduct workshops on the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP), which are needed to counter the misconceptions and distortions surrounding the TPP (even among ASEAN leaders).

Hence the Sunnylands summit demonstrates the value of engaging with the Southeast Asian countries through ASEAN, something that should be done at other levels of government as well.  In other words,  both the process of having had the summit and its output, strengthen the U.S.-ASEAN relationship.

The real question is whether these U.S. commitments and initiatives will survive the change of government in January 2017.  From past experience, I would think so.  For example, the U.S.-Singapore Free Trade Agreement was first floated in the last days of the Bill Clinton administration, and the U.S. entered the TPP talks in the last days of the George W. Bush administration.  Regardless of what happens in the November 2016 elections, I think the Obama administration initiatives with ASEAN will also be continued by his successor.

Timor-Leste Progressing With ASEAN Accession

I've been tardy in posting to the blog recently, due to work commitments.  I am on the Asian Development Bank (ADB) team advising Timor-Leste on its ASEAN accession.  This week we briefed Nobel Peace Prize laureate and former Timor-Leste president Jose Ramos-Horta on the status of the accession:

All I can say at this point is that Timor-Leste has made great strides towards membership.  For more, please see this Straits Times article by Shane Rosenthal, the ADB's country director for Timor-Leste (on the left side of the above photo).

I'll have more soon. 

he impending launch of the ASEAN Economic Community is being marked this week at a summit in Kuala Lumpur. It should also be the time for ASEAN to consider opening the door to a new member. Timor Leste is Asia’s youngest country — a stable democracy at the crossroads of Southeast Asia and the Pacific. Acceptance as a member country would enhance its prospects for economic development, while further strengthening the organization’s centrality and relevance.

Timor Leste has made remarkable progress since gaining independence in 2002. Its infrastructure was in disrepair, social services absent, and government institutions at their inception. Despite brief periods of instability, the country now has a well-functioning government and is using its modest petroleum wealth to foster long-term economic growth.

Gaining membership has been a priority for Timor Leste throughout its short history. Successive governments have made the case through diplomatic efforts such as signing onto the ASEAN Regional Forum in 2005, and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia two years later. By next year Timor Leste will have embassies in the capitals of every ASEAN member country.

These are impressive achievements for a young country, but not surprising to development partners that are helping rebuild its infrastructure and develop the skills needed for the economy to continue expanding.

Newly paved roads now connect Timorese with their Indonesian neighbors, and electricity reaches almost every corner of the country. Deregulation has transformed mobile telecommunications to such a degree that companies from two member countries — Vietnam and Indonesia — are now competing for a growing and increasingly connected customer base.

While many of Timor Leste’s nearly 1.2 million people remain poor, huge strides have been made to improve living conditions and increase life opportunities. Infant mortality has halved since independence, and the incidence of malaria has fallen by 95 percent. Primary school enrollment rose from 65 percent in 2001 to 92 percent in 2013, and the proportion of parliamentary seats held by women stands at 38 percent, the highest in Asia.

The ASEAN Charter sets out four criteria for membership, three of which are met by Timor Leste: It is located in Southeast Asia, is recognized by the 10 ASEAN nations, and would agree to be bound and abide by the organization’s charter.

The fourth requirement, demonstrating an “ability and willingness to carry out the obligations of membership”, is for ASEAN’s members to judge. Concerns have been raised about its readiness to participate in the organization’s economic, political-security, and socio-cultural communities, given the hundreds of meetings it holds each year.

Timor Leste’s track record on governance suggests it would be a worthy member. The country has held three open elections without incident, and participates actively in international organizations such as the G7+ group of post-conflict states and the Community of Portuguese Language Countries. Timor Leste represents a model for managing natural resources wealth, ranking near the top of the international Resources Governance Index, ahead of several ASEAN members.

ASEAN members appear open to Timor Leste’s application. The country’s ambassador to the Jakarta-based Secretariat was accredited in 2011, the same year the ASEAN Coordinating Council established a working group that commissioned studies on what it would mean for Timor Leste to join.

Membership is a win-win proposition. It would help Timor Leste to attract investment, develop trade links, and diversify its economy. It already has one of the most open trade policies in the region, but joining such a high-profile organization would send a powerful signal to investors and help to accelerate integration with the rest of Southeast Asia.

ASEAN, too, would benefit from the young population and strategic location of Timor Leste. The inspirational story of Timor Leste and its impressive development would be a shining example for all member states. It would give added meaning to the grouping’s members as they journey toward its Vision 2025, which calls for a “politically cohesive, economically integrated, socially responsible” ASEAN.

Timor Leste has emerged as an able and willing member of the community of nations. The time has come for this country to take the next step on its road to prosperity. - See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/11/21/timor-leste-belongs-asean.html#sthash.B4EcUsFt.dpuf

he impending launch of the ASEAN Economic Community is being marked this week at a summit in Kuala Lumpur. It should also be the time for ASEAN to consider opening the door to a new member. Timor Leste is Asia’s youngest country — a stable democracy at the crossroads of Southeast Asia and the Pacific. Acceptance as a member country would enhance its prospects for economic development, while further strengthening the organization’s centrality and relevance.

Timor Leste has made remarkable progress since gaining independence in 2002. Its infrastructure was in disrepair, social services absent, and government institutions at their inception. Despite brief periods of instability, the country now has a well-functioning government and is using its modest petroleum wealth to foster long-term economic growth.

Gaining membership has been a priority for Timor Leste throughout its short history. Successive governments have made the case through diplomatic efforts such as signing onto the ASEAN Regional Forum in 2005, and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia two years later. By next year Timor Leste will have embassies in the capitals of every ASEAN member country.

These are impressive achievements for a young country, but not surprising to development partners that are helping rebuild its infrastructure and develop the skills needed for the economy to continue expanding.

Newly paved roads now connect Timorese with their Indonesian neighbors, and electricity reaches almost every corner of the country. Deregulation has transformed mobile telecommunications to such a degree that companies from two member countries — Vietnam and Indonesia — are now competing for a growing and increasingly connected customer base.

While many of Timor Leste’s nearly 1.2 million people remain poor, huge strides have been made to improve living conditions and increase life opportunities. Infant mortality has halved since independence, and the incidence of malaria has fallen by 95 percent. Primary school enrollment rose from 65 percent in 2001 to 92 percent in 2013, and the proportion of parliamentary seats held by women stands at 38 percent, the highest in Asia.

The ASEAN Charter sets out four criteria for membership, three of which are met by Timor Leste: It is located in Southeast Asia, is recognized by the 10 ASEAN nations, and would agree to be bound and abide by the organization’s charter.

The fourth requirement, demonstrating an “ability and willingness to carry out the obligations of membership”, is for ASEAN’s members to judge. Concerns have been raised about its readiness to participate in the organization’s economic, political-security, and socio-cultural communities, given the hundreds of meetings it holds each year.

Timor Leste’s track record on governance suggests it would be a worthy member. The country has held three open elections without incident, and participates actively in international organizations such as the G7+ group of post-conflict states and the Community of Portuguese Language Countries. Timor Leste represents a model for managing natural resources wealth, ranking near the top of the international Resources Governance Index, ahead of several ASEAN members.

ASEAN members appear open to Timor Leste’s application. The country’s ambassador to the Jakarta-based Secretariat was accredited in 2011, the same year the ASEAN Coordinating Council established a working group that commissioned studies on what it would mean for Timor Leste to join.

Membership is a win-win proposition. It would help Timor Leste to attract investment, develop trade links, and diversify its economy. It already has one of the most open trade policies in the region, but joining such a high-profile organization would send a powerful signal to investors and help to accelerate integration with the rest of Southeast Asia.

ASEAN, too, would benefit from the young population and strategic location of Timor Leste. The inspirational story of Timor Leste and its impressive development would be a shining example for all member states. It would give added meaning to the grouping’s members as they journey toward its Vision 2025, which calls for a “politically cohesive, economically integrated, socially responsible” ASEAN.

Timor Leste has emerged as an able and willing member of the community of nations. The time has come for this country to take the next step on its road to prosperity. - See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/11/21/timor-leste-belongs-asean.html#sthash.B4EcUsFt.dpuf

he impending launch of the ASEAN Economic Community is being marked this week at a summit in Kuala Lumpur. It should also be the time for ASEAN to consider opening the door to a new member. Timor Leste is Asia’s youngest country — a stable democracy at the crossroads of Southeast Asia and the Pacific. Acceptance as a member country would enhance its prospects for economic development, while further strengthening the organization’s centrality and relevance.

Timor Leste has made remarkable progress since gaining independence in 2002. Its infrastructure was in disrepair, social services absent, and government institutions at their inception. Despite brief periods of instability, the country now has a well-functioning government and is using its modest petroleum wealth to foster long-term economic growth.

Gaining membership has been a priority for Timor Leste throughout its short history. Successive governments have made the case through diplomatic efforts such as signing onto the ASEAN Regional Forum in 2005, and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia two years later. By next year Timor Leste will have embassies in the capitals of every ASEAN member country.

These are impressive achievements for a young country, but not surprising to development partners that are helping rebuild its infrastructure and develop the skills needed for the economy to continue expanding.

Newly paved roads now connect Timorese with their Indonesian neighbors, and electricity reaches almost every corner of the country. Deregulation has transformed mobile telecommunications to such a degree that companies from two member countries — Vietnam and Indonesia — are now competing for a growing and increasingly connected customer base.

While many of Timor Leste’s nearly 1.2 million people remain poor, huge strides have been made to improve living conditions and increase life opportunities. Infant mortality has halved since independence, and the incidence of malaria has fallen by 95 percent. Primary school enrollment rose from 65 percent in 2001 to 92 percent in 2013, and the proportion of parliamentary seats held by women stands at 38 percent, the highest in Asia.

The ASEAN Charter sets out four criteria for membership, three of which are met by Timor Leste: It is located in Southeast Asia, is recognized by the 10 ASEAN nations, and would agree to be bound and abide by the organization’s charter.

The fourth requirement, demonstrating an “ability and willingness to carry out the obligations of membership”, is for ASEAN’s members to judge. Concerns have been raised about its readiness to participate in the organization’s economic, political-security, and socio-cultural communities, given the hundreds of meetings it holds each year.

Timor Leste’s track record on governance suggests it would be a worthy member. The country has held three open elections without incident, and participates actively in international organizations such as the G7+ group of post-conflict states and the Community of Portuguese Language Countries. Timor Leste represents a model for managing natural resources wealth, ranking near the top of the international Resources Governance Index, ahead of several ASEAN members.

ASEAN members appear open to Timor Leste’s application. The country’s ambassador to the Jakarta-based Secretariat was accredited in 2011, the same year the ASEAN Coordinating Council established a working group that commissioned studies on what it would mean for Timor Leste to join.

Membership is a win-win proposition. It would help Timor Leste to attract investment, develop trade links, and diversify its economy. It already has one of the most open trade policies in the region, but joining such a high-profile organization would send a powerful signal to investors and help to accelerate integration with the rest of Southeast Asia.

ASEAN, too, would benefit from the young population and strategic location of Timor Leste. The inspirational story of Timor Leste and its impressive development would be a shining example for all member states. It would give added meaning to the grouping’s members as they journey toward its Vision 2025, which calls for a “politically cohesive, economically integrated, socially responsible” ASEAN.

Timor Leste has emerged as an able and willing member of the community of nations. The time has come for this country to take the next step on its road to prosperity. - See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/11/21/timor-leste-belongs-asean.html#sthash.B4EcUsFt.dpuf